Looking at the way these monkeys are panicking makes one realise that they are certainly a class above Mr Bean, as it just shows that they have run out of ideas and are, as said before, poo-ing in the pants.
Their antics are endless:
- Sending representatives to our previous colonial masters to seek their advice (these Mat Sallehs would be asking: “How come you guys come running to ask us now? You booted us out, and after 57 years, you still do not know how to run your government?) (it is interesting to note that up until now, Zambry & Co has not yet proclaimed any legal points after the London visit, presumably and highly likely, they came back empty-handed),
- Najib saying that the Perak Emergency Sitting cannot be convened because the courts must decide first (don’t they know that the Nizar vs Zambry suit did not even touch on the Perak Assembly, which in itself has its own political stature?),
- Arranging for the Assembly clerk to not issue notices of the Emergency Sitting as instructed by the Speaker,
- Seeking an injunction to stop the Emergency Sitting tomorrow (since no news by now, this plan would have been aborted),
- Expediting the hearing of the Nizar vs Zambry suit to tomorrow,
- Lodging a complaint against the Speaker to the Privileges Committee, and now the latest,
- Sealing off the Perak Assembly building
Rest assured that they will come up with all sorts of tactics, just to make sure that the Emergency Sitting does not take place tomorrow (and if you have the upper hand, you would not and need not resort to so many desperate measures).
We have our confidence in the Pakatan Folks, in that they will certainly be able to come up with something to circumvent the monkeys.
In any case, it is very obvious that the Pakatan Folks have the upper hand. Indeed, Umno focused on seizing the Menteri Besar’s place, but did not cover the Speaker, and now they are stuck.
It was indeed very difficult for Zambry & Co to have avoided the Speaker, when the latter summoned them to a discipinary hearing, for if they had ignored the Speaker, this meant that they do not recognise the Perak Assembly. So, yes, they went, and they were caught with their pants down, when Sivakumar suspended them for 12 and 18 months.
Before the suspension, BN had 28 assemblymen, plus 3 BN-Friendly assemblymen, against Pakatan’s 28. After the suspension, BN has 21, against Pakatan’s 27 (less the Speaker), and minus the 3 BN-Friendly assembly which the Speaker does not recognise.
Let us take a look at the procedural angles:
- Firstly, the Speaker is empowered to convene the relevant disciplinary meetings and suspend Zambry & Co. As the Speaker was presiding over the relevant hearing, his decision is final and can only be challenged if referred to the courts. (Then again, it would be interesting to see if the Judiciary can review decisions made by the Legislature (which is really different to the ability of the Judiciary to review the actions of the Executive), and this will open up another area of controversy.)
- Secondly, the Speaker certainly has the right to recognise or not recognise any assemblyman. In the case of the 3 stooges, it is again the prerogative of the Speaker to decide not the recognise the 3 stooges, based on the relevant letters of resignation, though the said letters were undated. Given the Speaker’s decision, the Assembly would have to respect the same, and such a decision can only be challenged in cout (again, the issue of review by Judiciary of the Legislature come in one more time).
- Thirdly, the Speaker is also empowered by the Constitution and relevant Standing Orders to convene an Emergency Sitting. Again, the Speaker has the right to do so, and if anyone questions such a move, they can certainly bring this issue to the courts (similarly, it would be interesting to see how this Judiciary review of the Legislature grey area develops).
Hence, until such time court injunction or other orders are obtained, the Speaker can go on, acting in the interest of the State, on grounds that the current impasse would lead the State Government to nowhere, and also to prevent abuse by either the Pakatan Menteri Besar or BN Menteri Besar. Hence, the Speaker and the State Assembly must take leadership and guide the state until a solution is found.
Politically, the Pakatan controlled State Assembly can freeze the State Government until BN agrees to a snap election, and/or such a stalemate will result in DYMM Sultan Azlan Shah to mediate for a solution.
In conclusion, we wish to note the following points:
- the Pakatan Folks have an upper hand, and the Umno monkeys are poo-ing in the pants, making blunders after blunders
- the Pakatan Speaker and Pakatan-controlled Perak Assembly must exercise leadership and act in caretaker mode
- the Pakatan Folks must steer the situation towards an ultimate snap elections, so that Perakians can decide for themselves which government they want
So, Pakatan Folks, take your time, we will get there!!!
916 Movement
The Nut Graph: Perak’s political drama heightens
2 Mar 09 : 8.00AM
By Deborah Loh
THE political drama in Perak, which has escalated from one height to another, is set to spike tomorrow with an emergency state assembly sitting to vote on two motions related to the state’s constitutional crisis.
However, even if the emergency sitting is successful, it would not immediately solve the impasse. It would, in fact, be the latest in a series of planned steps by the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) to turn the matter back to Perak’s ruler, Sultan Azlan Shah, in the hopes of forcing a snap poll.
The two motions expected at the emergency sitting are to reaffirm support for the PR’s Datuk Seri Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin as Perak menteri besar, and to seek dissolution of the state assembly.
Speaker V Sivakumar, the DAP assemblyperson for Tronoh, invoked Standing Orders to call for the emergency sitting. As the all-powerful speaker of the state assembly, he is the PR’s trump card in the state’s political impasse despite the Barisan Nasional (BN) having taken over the state government.
Sivakumar has already flexed his muscles by suspending the BN’s Menteri Besar Datuk Zambry Abdul Kadir and his six executive councillors. They will not be allowed to enter the assembly for the emergency sitting. Neither will the three independents who left the PR to support the BN be allowed into the state assembly, as Sivakumar deems their resignations from their state seats effective.
With 10 representatives on the BN’s side out, the numbers in the 59-seat state assembly would be in the PR’s favour at 27 to 21. The PR’s 28th seat is Sivakumar’s, who, as speaker, cannot vote.
Zambry with his executive councillors and special advisers
Back to the palace
Barring any attempts of forced entry by Zambry and the BN excos into the state assembly house, and any potential ruckus or situation that may thwart the emergency sitting, Nizar will quite easily be given the vote of confidence as MB.
Following that, two scenarios could take place.
One, Nizar could quickly seek an audience with Sultan Azlan to request the dissolution of the assembly.
Two, the impasse would continue because Zambry and the BN would certainly not take affirmation of Nizar as the legitimate MB sitting down.
Nizar may opt not to hurry to the palace seeking the assembly’s dissolution, but be content to let the deadlock and the uncertainty drag on until the assembly’s next sitting, which must be called by May.
The limbo could be intentional to force Sultan Azlan to call both Zambry and Nizar for an audience to decide a way out of the situation.
“Under the present circumstances, the ruler could call both parties to the dispute, he could consult both menteris besar and ask them if they feel fresh elections would be the best way out,” says Mohamed Asri Othman, the Perak Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) legal adviser.
“The sultan cannot decide alone; he must take into account relevant factors through listening to both sides,” Asri adds.
Appealing to the sultan’s discretion
It appears that the latest situation is being engineered by the PR, which has the upper hand in the house through the speaker. The intention would be to appeal to the sultan’s personal discretionary powers that he has under Article 18, Clause 2 of the Perak Constitution.
Such discretion is applicable to two functions, namely, the appointment of a menteri besar, and the withholding of consent to a request for the dissolution of the state legislative assembly.

According to the clause, the sultan’s personal discretion is allowed when deciding whether to dissolve the assembly upon request by the menteri besar.
This is consistent with Article 16(6) of the state constitution, whereby the MB can request the ruler to dissolve the assembly. This is what Nizar tried to do earlier, but failed.

There is another provision that touches on dissolution as well: Article 36(2) which simply states, “His royal highness may prorogue or dissolve the legislative assembly”.
Although Article 36(2) does not specify any conditions (such as a request by the MB) for the dissolution, it is still deemed by some legal experts to be discretionary power subject to Clause 2.
“‘Dissolve’ as stated in 36(2) is discretionary according to the wording of Clause 2, where consenting to dissolution is based on request,” says Universiti Teknologi Mara’s constitutional law expert Professor Dr Shad Saleem Faruqi.
“As a general rule, the sultan acts on advice except for areas where discretionary power is mentioned, such as under Clause 2, where a request for dissolution must be made,” he explains.
Says Mohamed Asri: “As a constitutional monarch, he has to act on the advice of the menteri besar. If the ruler decides unilaterally, then he would be an absolute monarch.”
Based on their explanations, this means the ruler can still only decide whether or not to dissolve the assembly, upon on the request for dissolution from the menteri besar. It does not mean he can decide on his own, independent of any request, to dissolve the assembly.
Nizar In this context, if Nizar succeeds in being affirmed as MB in the emergency sitting tomorrow, he would have legitimate grounds to seek an audience with the sultan.
Professor Dr Abdul Aziz Bari of the International Islamic University says the sultan’s role is as a facilitator of democracy.
“The sultan, as protector of the constitution, [has] to facilitate democracy and not otherwise. He needs a government that has a clear mandate, so in dissolving the assembly, he would be assisting democracy to establish that clear mandate,” says the law lecturer.
Obstacle course
There are kinks in PR’s plan, though, and that is the suit Nizar has filed against Zambry to declare himself as the legitimate MB.
It’s not inconceivable to think that the sultan might prefer to wait for the court’s decision before deciding to grant either side, or both, an audience to discuss the assembly’s dissolution, or the next course of action.
The BN, too, is planning a counterstrike by seeking the opinion of a Queen’s Counsel in London on the validity of Zambry’s and the excos’ suspensions, and Nizar’s suit against Zambry.
As inevitable as snap polls look, the road to elections is still littered with many mines that the PR must dodge.
Source: http://thenutgraph.com/peraks-political-drama-heightens